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Lama Zhang

Lama Zhang


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Prayer that Saved Sakya


And be endowed with long life, good health, and well-being.

lama könchok sum gyi tukjé dang

By the compassion of the gurus and the Three Jewels,

khandro chökyong sungmé nütu dang

The power of the ḍākinīs, Dharma protectors and guardians,

lé dré luwa mepé den tob kyi

And by the strength of the infallibility of karma and its results,

ngowa mönlam tab tsé drubpar shok

May these many dedications and prayers be fulfilled as soon as they are made.

ཅེས་པ་འདི་ནི་གདན་ས་ཆེན་པོ་དཔལ་ལྡན་ས་སྐྱར་ནད་རིམ་མི་གཅིག་པ་སྣ་ཚོགས་བྱུང་བར། སྔགས་བོན་རྣམས་ཀྱིས་མདོས་གཏོར་སྨན་སྔགས་སྲུང་བ་སོགས་གང་བསྒྲུབས་ཀྱང་མ་ཕན་པར་གདན་ས་སྟོངས་ལ་ཐུག་པའི་སྐབས། རྗེ་གྲུབ་ཐོབ་ཆེན་པོས་མ་ནམ་མཁའ་མའི་སྐྱབས་འགྲོ་གྱིས། མ་ཎི་སྒྲོངས། སྨོན་ལམ་འདི་ཐོབ་ཅེས་བཀའ་སྩལ་པ་བཞིན་བགྱིས་པ་ལ་བརྟེན་ནད་ཡམས་ཐམས་ཅད་འཕྲལ་དུ་ཆད་པས་ས་སྐྱ་ནད་གྲོལ་མའི་སྨོན་ལམ་ཞེས་རྡོ་རྗེའི་གསུང་བྱིན་རླབས་ཀྱི་སྤྲིན་ཕུང་འཕྲོ་བར་གྲགས་སོ།། །།

Once, an epidemic was spreading from one person to the next at the great monastery of the Glorious Sakya tradition. Whatever the mantric masters tried—effigies, tormas, medicines, mantras, protection-amulets, and so on—had no effect, and the monastery was in danger of annihilation. At that time, the master mahāsiddha Thangtong Gyalpo performed the refuge prayer which begins, “Sentient beings in number as vast as space”, then recited a number of Maṇi mantras, and said following the Teachers' words, “These aspirations become reality. ”. At that time, the entire epidemic immediately ceased in dependence upon the performance of this prayer. Thereby, it became renowned as the vajra speech radiating cloud-like blessings entitled ‘The Prayer that Saved Sakya from Disease.’

| Translated by Sean Price (Tenzin Jamchen), 2014. Edited and revised for Lotsawa House, 2016.

    There are various ways of listing the 404 types of disease. According to one method, there are 101 types of disease caused by evil spirits, 101 brought about by immediate circumstances, 101 based on humoural imbalances and 101 caused by past karma. Another system counts 101 types related to wind, 101 related to bile, 101 related to phlegm and 101 related to the combination of them all. Yet another system counts 101 types of disease deriving from anger, fire and bile 101 deriving from ignorance, earth and phlegm 101 deriving from jealousy and wind and 101 deriving from desire, water and a combination of all three humours.

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Who and what, exactly, is the Dalai Lama?

While the Dalai Lama is definitely a major religious figure, he's also much more than that. According to Time, the Dalai Lama has traditionally held supreme political power, too — at least, he has since the 17th century. That's when a major shift happened: not only was he at the head of Tibetan Buddhism, but he had "full political authority" over Tibet. That included the 14th Dalai Lama as well. at least, until March 17, 1959. And then again in 2011.

The story of the Dalai Lama is the story of Tibet, and there's a few things that warrant a little up-front explanation. When the Dalai Lama was exiled to India, he set up the Central Tibetan Administration, which is essentially a government-in-exile. The Dalai Lama was always at the head of it, until he retired from politics.

That happened in 2011 (via The Guardian), as he announced, "As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect." That same year, the BBC reported that Lobsang Sangay had been elected to replace the Dalai Lama who — for the first time — was taking a step closer to his lifelong, but always elusive, desire: to simply live as a monk.


Lama Zhang - History

Note: If you want to see notes and appendix see the word document here .

Introduction

In his book Tibetan Renaissance: Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture Ronald Davidson paints an interesting and detailed picture of the dynamic and formative period of Buddhist renaissance that occurred in Tibet from around 950 A.D. to 1250 A.D. Although Buddhism was disseminated in Tibet earlier, mainly during the so-called earlier spread of the teachings (bstan pa snga dar, approximately 600–850 A.D.), it was during this later dissemination period (phyi dar), or renaissance as Davidson prefers to calls it, that Tibetan Buddhism, as we today know it, definitely took shape on the Tibetan plateau. It was at this time period that the Tibetan people made Buddhism “Tibetan”, so to speak. Many interesting innovations and adoptions contributed to this “tibetanization process” and several factors were at play when Tibetan Buddhism took form. Davidson mentions that he, based on his understanding of the documents he has studied, has traced a fairly large number of loosely associated actors who were instrumental in the Buddhist revival during the period. Most of these actors are well known and often described in various sources, but some of them are more obscure. One of the more obscure ones was the crazy yogins:

Fourth there were the crazy yogins (smyong ba), invoking the behaviour of Mila Repa or to the wandering tantrikas constructing a Tibetan version of Indian siddha behaviour. Some were occasionally on a continuum with the popular preachers, and their songs had wide appeal. Others were more closely related to the Indian or Nepalese siddhas wandering in and out of Tibet, such as Padampa Sangyé or Gayādhara.

Although these crazy yogins are mentioned in Davidson’s book it is hard to grasp who these figures were, why they were called mad, and what role they actually played during the renaissance period. Davidson mentions them occasionally and shares some of his thoughts about them with the reader but despite this many questions remains to be answered. The most famous crazy yogins of Tibet, the ones that are most often mentioned, all lived several centuries after the period that Davidson investigates, namely in the 15th and 16th centuries. It was at that time that the four famous mad yogins of Tibet, gTsang smyon Heruka (1452–1507), ’Brug smyon Kun dga’ legs pa (1455–1529), dBus smyon Kun dga’ bzang po (1458–1532) and Thang stong rgyal po (1361–1485) roamed the plateau, alternatively chocking, provoking, amusing and frightening those who encountered them. These figures all became well-known and are still the ones that those interested in the subject repeatedly refer to. While there exist life-stories (rnam thar) and songs (mgur) attributed to each one of these four figures, we know far less about the crazy yogins of earlier periods. In order to obtain information about the crazy yogins of the early renaissance period many Tibetan texts needs to be investigated. Such an enterprise is far beyond the scope of this short essay, however, and I will limit my attention to only two books: Ronald Davidson’s aforementioned book and Debter Ngönpo (Deb gter sngon po) by Gölotsawa Zhönupel (Gos lo tsa ba gzhon nu dpal, 1392–1481). Ever since George N. Roerich’s and Gendyn Chöpel’s (dGe ’dun Chos ’phel, 1903–1951) English translation of Debter Ngönpo (Blue Annals) was first published in 1949 this extensive book has been one of the most important sources concerning the spread of Buddhism in Tibet during the later dissemination period. Both Davidson’s and Zhönupel’s books are widely used in western universities and Debter Ngönpo is also one of the significant historical texts used by native Tibetan scholars, both in Tibet and in exile. The two books are very different in character, one is written by a rational Western academic with a critical mind in the twenty-first century, and the other by a learned pious Tibetan monk living more than five hundred years ago. The difference between the two books makes a comparison both difficult and interesting. The structure of this essay is as follows first I will investigate how Davidson treats the mad yogins and then I will look into how Zhönupel does it. Finally some comparisons will be made between them, followed by a brief conclusion.

“Crazies” in Davidson’s book Davidson, very appropriately I believe, connects the Tibetan crazy yogins with the Indian siddhas. In the chapters of the book devoted to the Indian siddhas he describes some of their unorthodox and antinomian aspects. Davidson mentions that the siddhas of India used images and told stories that violated Brahmanical ideals and he make the conclusion that this must both have shocked and delighted their audiences.

“As eccentric and sometimes criminal characters siddhas were frequently the object of fascination as well as veneration, for they wrapped themselves in an aura of power and potency that had not been so successfully purveyed before.”

Many of these Indian siddhas were key figures in the renaissance of Tibetan Buddhism some of them, such as Dampa Sangye (Dam pa sangs rgyas) and Gayādhara, visited Tibet and stayed there for long periods. Others, such as Nāropa and Virupa, never went to Tibet, but received visits from humble Tibetans who travelled from a far to receive blessings and instructions. In exchange of, sometimes large amounts, of gold the Tibetans became initiated and received guidance in the complicated secret tantric doctrines and practices that they later brought back to Tibet. When returning, the Tibetan devotees became important heirs of their Indian masters and often tried to emulate the life-style of their gurus. Some of the more successful Tibetans who had met with the Indian siddhas eventually became regarded as siddhas in their own right and acted as heirs of the Indian masters. One of the more controversial aspects of the practices the Tibetans brought to Tibet was connected with a specific kind of behaviour (carya, spyod pa) that a practitioner should adopt at certain, point in his (or hers) spiritual career. This particular conduct was performed after having reached a high level of accomplishment in the practices and the practice of the special conduct generally lasted for a specified length of time, after which the practitioner returned to other forms, of less controversial, conduct. Several technical terms are found in the tantras for this transgressive and provocative behaviour that the Indian siddhas and their Tibetan heirs sometimes pursued. One of the terms encountered is “ascetic vow” (vratacarya). The Tibetans translated the term as tulzhug chöpa (brtul zhugs spyod pa) and it is often used when the seemingly mad behaviour of the crazy saints is described in Tibetan exegesis. Davidson never analyses the specific terms used in connection with the mad yogins but the term “ascetic vow” (vrata, tulzhug) is encountered when Davidson cites a panegyric to Virupa composed by the great Sakya scholar Kunga Nyingpo (Kun dga’ snying po, 1092–1158).

In order to lead beings through the practice of the ascetic vow (vratacarya), By means of this inferior activity, he left the Samgha’s sacred precincts And headed fro town, wandering everywhere in the world. I bow with my head to him renowned by all as Birwa.

This verse gives us some hints about how the person who practiced the ascetic vow was supposed to behave. Given the inferior activity and wandering lifestyle of such practitioners it is no wonder that they resembled madmen, and the Tibetans sometimes called them just that—nyönpa (smyon pa). At times nyönpa was used in the derogatory sense, that actually is most near at hand, and thus simply imply that the person in question really was mad, in the clinical sense of the word. An example of the latter usage is found when Davidson informs us that Ratna Lingpa (1403–1478) said the following words about Gö lotsawa Khukpa Lhetse: “I don’t know if he’s just crazy or actually possessed by a demon, but be sure that he’s already in hell.” Another episode that Davidson cites is taken from the autobiography of Nyangrel Nyima Öser (1124–1192) and here the word nyönpa is obviously used for an individual who was regarded as holy and also behave like a madman.

Then, when I turned twenty, I heard of the fame of the precious lama Nyönpa Dönden, and an especial faith in him arose in me. […] Even just coming into his presence, I found his blessing naturally there, blazing out of him. […] In the midst of the assembly, the lama declared,

Now there are before me many learned professors of Dharma and practitioners who are accepted as realized yogins. But your coming is like the rising of the sun in the sky, shining for the welfare of beings.

Then he took off all his clothes and naked, grabbed my hand, and began to wildly jump and dance about.

Wake up, all you fortunate ones assembled here! The previous king of this border country is these days the young Nyang, with retreat hair piled on his head (ral pa can). The previous translator has nowadays been reborn as my crazy self. This is the deep connection of karma through many lives. Dance away, young Nyang with retreat hair on you head! Your have been reborn for the benefit of beings like the rising of the sun.

So saying, he danced his crazy naked dance. Because of this, those friends of mine previously given to jealousy now said their streams of being had been ripened, and all became filled with faith.

When Davidson are discussing the mad yogins, or “crazies”, as prefers to call them, two figures stand out, the renowned Kagyu lama, Lama Zhang (Zhang g.yu grags pa, 1123–1193) and the Indian siddha Padampa Sangye—“The Little Black Ācarya”. The two masters are quite different from one another and Davidson seems to consider them as representing two types of crazy yogins. Lama Zhang is depicted as an example of an institutionalised, religious and worldly leader, acting out his siddha role and displaying outrageous behaviour I a way that went hand in hand with his worldly interests. Padampa Sangye, on the other hand, is described as a renounciate, living with his disciples in remote areas far away from worldly and politic activities. The two masters are thus examples of two different siddha prototypes active in the renaissance period. Both of them might be considered crazy yogins, or if not crazy yogins themselves at least as masters with important connections with the “crazies”. Lama Zhang started out as a learned, innovative and a bit unconventional teacher who emphasised on his particular way of Mahamudra teaching. According to Davidson he eventually became a political leader and “changed from somewhat eccentric to brutal and bloody”. Lama Zhang seems to have been one of the most controversial figures of the period and Davidson asserts that he exemplifies the problem that are embedded in the notion of holy madness and the tantric transgression of moral principles. The most disturbing being the way in which he attempted to justify his aggression by means of the tantric doctrines. “This self-serving excuse was based on the idea that the siddha has superior knowledge and is above the mundane standards of the world,” Davidson informs us. Lama Zhang’s unusual and mad ways was displayed when the great Karmapa lama intervened and forced him to stop his violent behaviour. At that time Lama Zhang grabbed Karmapa’s finger and did a little dance celebrating the moment of resolution before ceasing his criminal behaviour, we are told. It is unclear if Padamapa Sangye himself should be called a mad yogin. The reason why Davidson connects him with them is that an astonishing number of “crazies” are associated with both the Zhije (Zhi byed) and Chö (gCod), two loosely associated systems that he and his disciples created. Davidson imagines that “by midcentury, Padampa-lineage tantric feasts must have seemed as much a psychiatric outpatient support group as a gathering of awakened masters”. The reason for this being that the group of eccentric yogins that followed his teachings cultivated a sense of entitlement among the poorly socialized and attracted to the lineage others with severe mental problems, according to Davidson.

“Crazies” in Debter Ngönpo (Blue Annals)

Let us now leave Davidson for a while and turn our attention to Debter Ngönpo—Blue Annals—to see what Zhönupel has to say about the nyönpas of the renaissance period. Zhönuphel’s book is, as noted, very different from Davidson’s. The Blue Annals is comprised of fifteen major sections (dum bu), and one-hundred and two chapters within those sections. Zhönuphel has a completely different agenda and mainly renders the life-stories of different important Buddhist figures and tries to describe how the various lineages of the period were transmitted without making the critical analysis of a Western academic, such as Davidson. He does however, manage to remain unbiased and neutral and if it wasn’t for the fact that the chapter on the Kagyu (bKa’ brgyud) tradition is the by far longest, his own sectarian affiliation would be hard to estimate. Debter Ngönpo consists of a complicated web of events and people, teachings and practices that in various ways are interrelated and connected, but at the same time different. It is very easy to lose track in this plethora of names, lineages and life-stories and forget who is transmitting what to whom after a few pages of reading. Inserted in the rather tedious web of names and lineages Zhönupel occasionally gives us a piece of information that stands out and surprises. These moments are valuable since they open up new and different perspectives and force us to reassess our picture of the time period and some of the main actors, such as Atiśa (see below). Occasionally the nyönpas occurs in the text, but it is often hard to discover them. At times it is impossible to determine if a certain person should be classified a mad yogin, a madman or simply a yogin, the dividing lines between these three categories of individuals is blurred and sometimes non existent it seems. A first step to take in order to find the mad yogins in the text is to start looking for the specific terms used for them. Several words related to the yogins and crazy yogins are found in the Blue Annals. Terms such as: “vagabond” chatrelwa (bya bral ba), “yogin” neldjorpa (rnal ’byor pa), “realized person” togden (rtogs ldan), “hermit” ritröpa (ri khrod pa) and “mendicant” kunpangpa (kun spangs pa) are often used. These terms are similar to one another and despite some small nuances in meaning they are often used synonymously. The terms refer to persons who devote their time to meditation rather than studies and who have left worldly concerns behind. These figures often appear to be different compared to other Tibetans both monks and lay, and their difference can sometimes be so huge that they more resemble crazy persons. Besides these terms there are some other terms in use in the Blue Annals that more unambiguously refers to the mad yogins. Terms such as: “mad man” nyönpa, “mad ascetic” zhigpo (zhig po), “one who has realized emptiness” trulzhig (’khrul zhig) and “to practice the ascetic vow” trulzhug chöpa (brtul zhugs spyod pa) are clearly associated with the mad yogins. Because of the latter four terms unmistakable association with mad yogins I will limit my discussion to them and investigate how they are used in the Blue Annals. The word nyön or its nominalized form nyönpa, meaning “mad” or “madman” is a good word to start looking for. The term is found in eight of the fifteen major sections (dum bu) of the book. It is important to have in mind, however, that the term can be used in many different ways. The term zhigpo resembles the word nyönpa, but more unambiguously refers to a mad yogin. Roerich translates zhig po in various ways, two examples being “mad ascetic” and “one who had abandoned all worldly laws”. Dan Martin explains the term as follows:

We are accustomed to seeing this word [zhig mo] in the masculine form (zhig po), which means a person who has totally dissolved (zhig pa) ordinary clinging to the concept of self as well as the usual bonds of social life. ‘Madmen’ and ‘madwomen’ are people who act out their realization of Buddhist truths in unconventional, ‘crazy’ ways. […] Don grub 1985: 585 defines zhig po as bdag ’dzin zhig pa po, ‘one who has dissolved selfish grasping (to the illusion of the self).’ It seems to be more or less closely synonymous with the appellative ’khrul zhig (-pa), ‘one who has dissolved erroneous appearances’, further interpreted as one who has realized emptiness.

As Martin points out the term trulzhig (’khrul zhig) is also of importance and it is occasionally used in Blue Annals. However it is, again, important to be aware of the fact that when these terms are found in the Blue Annals this does not necessarily mean that the person in question was a mad yogin. It is possible that he was a nyönpa or zhigpo in name only. For instance we encounter a certain rdzogs chen practitioner with miraculous powers named Zhig po of dBus, but we receive no information if he really acted in a mad way. Another example is Gyara Benyön (rGya ra ban smyon) and dispit his name it is unclear why he was called mad—nyön. Both these persons might have been mad yogins in name only, but it is also possible that they received the name because of their seemingly mad behaviour. At other times Zhönupel explains more about a certain person’s behaviour and it is obvious that he or she really resembled a mad person. The following example depicts a master who behaved in a way that resembles a mad person for instance.

During five years he [’Dzeng] wandered about gTsang naked, and performed in the company of yogins various (yogic) practices, such as jumping (from a height) into ice and water, jumping into abysses striking one’s head (at rocks) and self-immolation, There did not exist a severe from of asceticism which he did not practices. He was called the “Hero ’Dzeng, the Junior” (dPa bo ‘Dzeng chung ba). To So Mang btsan he taught the Mahāmudrā. […] His illusion vanished and all seemed him to belong to the Noumenal Aspect only. To dNgul mo rGyal le lcam he explained the Yi ge bzhi pa (i.e. the Anuttara), and the secret precepts of the “Great Achievement” (rDzogs chen, and she became one who had abandoned all worldly laws and was beyond the human state [zhig mo]. Another striking example is Bya bral chen po and in his case it is quite clear that the man was a mad yogin: In the beginning he used to be a very cleanly person, and disliked others, but afterwards he achieved emancipation independently (of others), used to eat his own excrement and applied it to his body. At times he offered it to the Ratna, at times to demons (of the rGyal-po and ‘gong-po class), and imitated insanity (smyon spyod) Another kind of mad behaviour that is found in the Blue Annals is carried out by figures that usually are not associated with nyönpas and for whom nyöpa, zhig po or similar epithets never are used. Even such a monastic role model as Atiśa can sometimes, oddly enough, display a behavioural pattern that resembles a mad man and seem at odds with the way in which he is usually depicted:

One day the Master [Atiśa] behaved in a child-like fashion: inside his cell he discharged his bowels in small quantities all over the floor. ’Brom ston pa cleaned (the floor) well, and did not feel any disgust at the conduct (of the Master’s) physical body.

Not only “divine” madmen, but “divine” mad women too, occasionally occur in Zhönupel’s book. One example of a nyönmas—mad female of this kind is encountered when t Atiśa visited to Lhasa. At that time “a ḍākiṇī known as the ‘Mad One of Lhasa’ uttered a prediction, following which the Master was able to extract the history of Lhasa from inside a beam (in the Jo-khang).” This is not the only place in the Blue Annals where female mad ones are depicted we find that the mother of a certain Kunzang (Kun bzang) had obtained instruction in the doctrine from a nun named the “Mad Samdrub” (bSam grub smyon ma). More examples of female mad yogins are found in the chapters about the Zhije and Chö traditions. A provisional idea about the context in which the mad yogins figure in the Blue Annals can be obtained by investigating in which major section of the book the above mentioned four terms are found. None of them appear in section 1, 2, 6, 7, 9 and 10, sections that describes the early spread of the doctrine (chapter 1), the later spread of the doctrine (chapter 2), the origin of the Mādhyamika (chapter 6), the preaching of the tantras (chapter 7), Kodrag pa and Nigu (chapter 9) and the Kalacakra (chapter 10). The absence of the terms in these chapters does not mean that mad yogins were absent in these traditions or time periods periods, but only that Zhönupel didn’t use the four terms in these chapters. The term nyönpa is found in chapter 3, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13 and 14, but it is only in chapter 12, 13 and 14 that the term occurs more that two times. These three chapters are about Zhije (chapter 12), Chö (chapter 13) and Chenrezig and Vajravali (chapter 14). The term zhigpo appears thirteen times in chapter three, a chapter about the early translations of the Mantrayana tantras, but besides that only four times in chapter five, the chapter about Atiśa. In the other chapters we find no mention of the term. The term trulzhig appears in five chapters, but mainly in chapter three, eight and twelve. The term tulzhug appeared in three chapters but most frequently in chapter eight, a chapter about the Kagyu tradition. Despite the problem involved in this kind of very superficial investigation of terms some provisional ideas about how Zhönupel uses them can be gained. Tulzhug seem to be related with the Kagyu tradition, Zhigpo within the early translation of the Mantrayana tantras and Trulzhig is frequently used in chapter twelve, a chapter about Zhije. Nyönpa is more evenly distributed throughout the chapters, which is natural given that it is a general word for mad, whiled the other terms are more specific and technical. Finally we find all the terms nyönpa and trulzhig quite frequently used in the Zhije and Chö chapters.

Conclusion

One interesting question that needs to be pondered concerning the Blue Annals is related to the time period in which it was written. Zhönupel wrote Debter Ngönpo between 1476 and 1478 and it was printed on the year of his passing (1481). At that time, the aforementioned four famous Tibetan mad yogins (Tsangnyön Heruka, Drukpa Kunley, U Nyön Kunga Zangpo and Thangtong Gyelpo), were all adults and it is possible that rumors about them could have reached the ears of Zhönupel. However, it is quite possible that he had not heard of Tsang Nyön, Drugpa Kunley and U Nyön since these three mad yogins most likely became famous at a later date. It is hard to estimate when they became famous but it is likely that their disciples contributed in substantial way to their fame by writing and printing their life-stories and songs in the 16th century. Thangtong Gyelpo, the famous bridge building siddha was much older than the other three and due to his activities he was probably quite famous when Zhönupel’s book was written. If it is a bit unclear how influential these figures were in the late 15th century it is nevertheless a fact that they lived at the that time period and it was at that time that Debter Ngönpo was written. This raises some questions about this time period. Could it might be so that the mad yogins were more respected and regarded as more important at that time period compared to later time periods? Tibet was fragmented and troubled during the late 15th century and in many ways it was a time of transition. The Dalai Lamas and Gelugpas had not yet seized power but they were a force to be reckoned with. The Kagyu tradition, especially the Karma Kagyu branch, was the most influential and powerful tradition and they were supported by the Rinpung princes who had seized power from the Phagmotrupas. During this period the mad yogins seem to have been a force to be reckoned with and since Debter Ngönpo was written in the late 15th century and since Zhönupel belonged to the Kagyu tradition it is reasonable to argue that the relatively many mad yogins depicted in his book might have mirrored the times in which the book was composed. One striking difference between Zhönupel and Davidson is that while the former doesn’t seem to see any problems connected with the mad yogin’s crazy behaviour, Davidson often focuses on the problems and dangers associated with mad yogins. The question is if the mad yogins were as problematic as Davidson makes us believe. While it no doubt is a truism that “eccentric personalities can rationalize their behaviour, regarding it as natural expression of the deconstruction of social artifice in the face of the overwhelming experience of the absolute,” as Davidson puts it, it is nevertheless often the case that these mad yogins might have contributed with many things that, even morally, was important and necessary. To focus on the difficult aspects of them might lead us to forget their many contributions and functions in Tibet at the early renaissance period. To complement Davidson’s view of the crazies, such as Lama Zhang, some of the articles written by Dan Martin about Lama Zhang should be read. Through Martin we get a quite different picture of this controversial figure. While Davidson states that it was obvious that Lama Zhang had turned to a pathological tyrant, and constantly is focusing on Lama Zhang’s problematic sides, Dan Martin shed light on other sides of this many facetted and original personality. To summarize, it is obvious that both Davidson and Zhönupel finds the mad yogins important. While many others who have written about Tibetan Buddhist History have, more or less, neglected the “crazies”, both Zhönupel and Davidson give them regards them as being important. Since it is hard to make the mad yogins fit into the already complex scenario that was Tibetan renaissance it would probably be tempting to leave them out, but none of them chooses that option. When their books do differ in many ways both authors agrees that the mad yogin’s have a close link to the Zhije and Chö tradition. To conclude this little essay I would therefore like to cite a section of Blue Annals when the female founder of Chö, Machig Labdrön’s children and grandchildren are depicted and with this we get yet more examples of crazies in the early renaissance period.

Later he [Ma gcig’s son Grub che] stayed at the monastery of gYe-chung gLang-lung, free from all hypocrisy, and became a zhig po, or “mad ascetic”. […] He [Ma gcig’s son Grub che] had three sons […] Thod smyon bSam grub was known as the “Snow man (gangs pa) residing in Sham po gangs” […] He was cured of his leprosy, as a snake sheds its skin. He slept naked on the snow of Sham po, and when the snow melted, his (body) sunk deep into it. People threw yak tails to him, and he used them to make a garment and mat for himself. He also wore a tail as his hat. The fashion of the black hat of Gangs pas originated with him. He subsisted on water only. Later at Chu rgyud mkhar he partook of carrion. At Drang pa, having found scars on the nose of a leper, he sucked them, and his eyes filled with tears. Since that time his fortune increased. […]


Treasury of Lives: Kagyu Founders Part 3, First Karmapa and Lama Zhang

Biography and autobiography in Tibet are important sources for both education and inspiration. Tibetans have kept such meticulous records of their teachers that thousands of names are known and discussed in a wide range of biographical material. All these names, all these lives—it can be a little overwhelming. The authors involved in the Treasury of Lives are currently mining the primary sources to provide English-language biographies of every known religious teacher from Tibet and the Himalaya, all of which are organized for easy searching and browsing. Every Tuesday on the Tricycle blog, we will highlight and reflect on important, interesting, eccentric, surprising and beautiful stories found within this rich literary tradition.

Kagyu Founders Part 3: First Karmapa and Lama Zhang

The Kagyu tradition that began in Tibet with Marpa (1012-1097) and his disciple Milarepa (1040-1123) split into multiple traditions instituted by the disciples of Milarepa’s chief student Gampopa Sonam Rinchen (1079-1153). While some thrived, others were little more than the teaching lineage of a single monastery’s founder, and have since been absorbed into other traditions. Such was the case with the traditions initiated by Dusum Khyenpa (1110-1193), who was later known as the First Karmapa, and Lama Zhang Yudrakpa (1123-1193), who established the important monastery of Tsel Gungtang outside of Lhasa. Whereas Dusum Khyenpa initiated the Karma Kagyu tradition, which now has branches around the world, the Tselpa Kagyu fell into decline following the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty. Its teaching and practice lineages were absorbed into the Nyingma and other Kagyu traditions.

Dusum Khyenpa was born in Kham and took novice ordination with Kadam monks there at the age of sixteen. If the artistic record is to be believed, he was not a handsome man almost all depictions of him feature a twisted nose and a serious underbite. According to legend, the year that he took ordination a dakini gave him a hat—maybe deep blue, maybe black—made from the hair of a thousand dakinis. Kagyu historians have offered various explanations as to the nature of this hat, which is said to have been invisible to most people, and of the hats worn by subsequent Karmapa incarnations. The Second, Fifth, and Seventh are all said to have been given the first visible hat, the one used in the famous black hat ceremony for which the Karmapas became known.

Around the age of twenty Dusum Khyenpa went to U-Tsang where he received full ordination. For ten years he studied with Kadam monks, and then, at the age of thirty, he met Gampopa at Daklha Gampo. Gampopa sent him, in the cotton-cloth garb worn by the early followers of Milarepa, to practice tummo, or heat yoga, for nine months, and to various caves for further meditation. He then returned and studied scripture and doctrine with Gampopa. From Gampopa and his disciples he received the complete transmission of the Kagyu tantric traditions— Mahamudra, Chakrasamvara and Hevajra, the Six Yogas of Naropa—in the monastic context that Gampopa had adopted from the Kadam tradition.

Dusum Khyenpa returned to Kham where he established the monastery of Karma Gon, in 1147. This institution, also known as Karma Densa, or “seat of the Karmapa,” remained an occasional residence of the Karmapa incarnations well into the twentieth century. He later returned to U-Tsang, under the command of Gampopa’s nephew and heir, Gomtsul (1116-1169), to establish monasteries there. In 1189, just three years before his death, in the Tolung Valley, he founded Tsurpu Monastery, which ever since has been the seat of the Karmapa incarnations.

Karma Kagyu tradition holds that before he passed away Dusum Khyenpa gave a letter to a disciple, Sanggye Rechen Peldrak (1148-1218), detailing the circumstances of his rebirth. That lama’s disciple, Lama Pomdrakpa (1170-1249), identified Karma Pakshi (1204-1283) as Dusum Khyenpa’s reincarnation, thus initiating the Karmapa line of incarnations. This was the one of the first, if not the very beginning of the uniquely Tibetan tulku institution, in which disciples of influential lamas find and train subsequent incarnations. The historical record, however, suggests that it was the Third Karmapa, Rangjung Dorje (1284-1339) who declared himself the second incarnation of Dusum Khyenpa.

The same year that Dusum Khyenpa established Tsurpu, he also visited Tsel Gungtang, a visit that some Tibetan sources state was undertaken to reign in Lama Zhang, who had gone rogue.

Zhang Yudrakpa was born south of Lhasa to a noble family. His mother was an ex-nun, and she frequently took him to her former convent to attend teachings by the female master Majo Darma. It seems Zhang had a difficult adolescence, during which he engaged in black magic. When his parents both died he blamed this activity for their deaths. In despair he wandered over to Kham and took novice ordination, after which, in a dream, a slimy black snake slithered out of his body. He understood this to mean that his negative karma had been expunged.

In 1148 he took complete ordination, and he had the good fortune to meet Gampopa shortly before the master passed in 1l53. Gampopa’s nephew, Gomtsul, who then held the abbacy of Daklha Gampo, became his main teacher, and gave him the full Kagyu transmissions. Gomtsul, then one of the most influential teachers in U-Tsang, successfully negotiated the end of factional monastic fighting in Lhasa that had severely damaged the temples there, and he assigned Lama Zhang to build a monastery near Lhasa to watch over the situation. Zhang thus established Tsel Gungtang in 1175.

Zhang went on to set himself up as the ruler of the region, and developed Tsel as a powerful center. His methods were occasionally brutal, to the degree that some Tibetan historians painted him as a wild outcast, an embarrassment to his early Kagyu colleagues such as Gomtsul and the First Karmapa, who were cast as sedate and respectable. The famous story in which the Karmapa went to Tsel Gungtang to convince him to cease his strong-arm tactics of rule reflects this version of history. It is said that after hearing the Karmapa’s arguments, Lama Zhang grasped the Karmapa’s finger, danced wildly, and from then on abstained from violence. However, there is plenty of evidence that Lama Zhang’s methods were not entirely frowned upon by his Kagyu colleagues, and it appears that Lama Zhang and the First Karmapa considered themselves equals. During the Karmapa’s visit to Tsel Gungtang, we’re told, he was sleeping surrounded by fierce guards. Lama Zhang entered, jumped on the Karmapa and slapped him three times. Before the guards could attack, the Karmapa stated, “Lama Zhang has just extended my life by three years!”


[Photo story] Chinese central government and the Dalai Lama: 1950–1956

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On 23 May 1951, delegates of the Tibetan Cabinet (Kashag) met with delegates of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) at Qinzheng Hall in Zhongnanhai, signing what is known as the 17-point agreement, or in full, the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. This agreement settled the question of Tibet’s status amid the complex and changeable global environment following the Xinhai Revolution of 1911, and it took place 18 months after the establishment of the PRC.

In May 1951, delegates of the Tibetan Cabinet (Kashag) and the PRC central government signed the 17-point agreement at Qinzheng Hall in Zhongnanhai.

The boundaries of the world were first established in the 18th century, and shifted through the upheavals of war and the separation and integration of peoples, leading to the formation of modern states. World War I brought more changes while World War II further shaped the current landscape that we see today. In China’s case, the Qing Empire had the greatest impact on its current territorial map. Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet were added to the map of China during the reign of the three early Qing dynasty emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong. During the late Qing dynasty, the Russians invaded from the north and the British Empire attempted to occupy India, and then Tibet, and incited the ethnic minorities within China, leading to unrest.

Living buddha reincarnation system sets hierarchy in Tibet

Tibetan Buddhism is the main religion in Tibet. It includes five schools, the most dominant being the Gelug or Yellow Hat school, who observe a strict form of asceticism and the living buddha reincarnation system. This school is led by the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, who are considered living buddhas on their passing, there is a process to select their incarnation from among a group of male children, and for the reincarnated soul boy to be acknowledged by the central government in China. This belief in reincarnated holy beings among humans has led to a hierarchical structure of living buddhas, monks and farmers, in effect, a highly theocratic society.

When the Xinhai Revolution broke out in 1911, several provinces declared their independence from the rule of imperial Qing, with Mongolia and Xinjiang among these provinces. But when the Republic of China (ROC) was established, it immediately professed that Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang were still part of China. Nevertheless, because the ROC government was fighting imperialist aggression, and its military and political factions were in strife, it had too many issues on hand to effectively bring its borders under control.

The Kashag led by the 13th Dalai Lama was close to the British Empire which had colonised India, while the ninth Panchen Lama — who was persecuted by the Dalai Lama’s clique — was forced to leave Tibet and go into exile in mainland China. In 1931, the Panchen Lama attended the Fourth National Congress of the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) held in Nanjing, where he upheld the position that Tibet belonged to China, and won strong support from the Nationalist government leaders as a result. In late 1936, the Nationalist government deployed troops to escort the Panchen Lama back to Tibet, but met with resistance.

Chinese central government send troops to assert control

After the Second Sino-Japanese War, came the civil war between the KMT and CCP. On 1 October 1949, the CCP established the PRC, and the 10th Panchen Lama declared his support for the PRC government. However, the Kashag in Lhasa continued to reject it, and talks fell through.

In October 1950, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) deployed about 40,000 troops to attack Tibet from four directions. The 8,000-strong Tibetan army based in Chamdo was led by Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme — known as Ngapo — and lacked arms and training. Given the vast difference in strength on each side, the Tibetan army was routed after three weeks and Ngapo was captured.

A resident of Lhasa reading a notification about the PLA entering Tibet, 1951. PLA troops working with Tibetan farmers on crop harvesting, 1951. PLA troops engaging in farm work in Tibet, 1951. Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet, 1951. A procession of monks in front of Potala Palace, followed by PLA troops, 1951.

In February 1951, the then 15-year-old 14th Dalai Lama who was in power sent a five-person delegation to Beijing, with Ngapo leading the negotiations with the central government. On 23 May, both sides signed the 17-point agreement. The preamble states:

“The Tibetan ethnic group is one of the ethnic groups with a long history within the boundaries of China and, like many other ethnic groups, it has performed its glorious duty in the course of the creation and development of our great motherland.”

The agreement also states that “the Tibetan people have the right of exercising national regional autonomy under the unified leadership of the Central People’s Government”, that the “religious beliefs, customs and habits of the Tibetan people shall be respected”, and that the “established status, functions and powers of the Panchen Erdeni shall be maintained”.

A banquet hosted by Mao Zedong for the Tibetan delegates, May 1951. On the right is the tenth Panchen Lama, with Kashag representative Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme on the left. Tibet-based General Zhang Jingwu of the Chinese central government disseminating the central government’s policies to Tibetans in Lhasa, 1951. A PLA committee in Tibet holding a rally in Lhasa, 1951. The People’s Government of the Xikang Province Tibetan Autonomous Area was established, 1951.

At this point, the 13-year-old tenth Panchen Lama was invited to Beijing to meet Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and other CCP leaders. In 1952, escorted by the PRC central government, the Panchen Lama finally returned to Tibet after an absence of 27 years.

Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama and the central government

Over the following three years, there was relative peace between the PRC central government and the Tibetan local government. The Tibetan regional troops were absorbed into the PLA, while Tibet’s economy slowly recovered with the assistance of the central government.

In September 1954, the Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso and the Panchen Lama Choekyi Gyaltsen went to Beijing together to attend the first session of the first National People’s Congress. It was the first time the 20-year-old Dalai Lama had been out of Tibet, and his first time in Beijing, where he saw the sights and attended political meetings. While both men were in Beijing, Mao got them to join the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART), which the Dalai Lama later chaired.

A warm welcome by the central government for the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama as they arrive at the Beijing train station, September 1954. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama with Mao Zedong at Qinzheng Hall in Zhongnanhai, September 1954. The Dalai Lama presenting Mao with a khata — traditional ceremonial scarf — as a token of regard, September 1954. The Panchen Lama presenting Mao with a khata as a token, September 1954. The Dalai Lama speaking at the first National People’s Congress, September 1954. The Panchen Lama speaking at the first National People’s Congress, September 1954. The Panchen Lama and Dalai Lama raising their hands in approval at a meeting of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, December 1954. The Panchen Lama and Dalai Lama voting at a meeting of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), December 1954. The Dalai Lama was made Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) chairman and the Panchen Lama deputy chairman, with Ngapo as secretary-general. The Dalai Lama being greeted by Tibetans in Beijing, 1954. The Dalai Lama signing a document at a Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) meeting opposing nuclear weapons, December 1954. The Panchen Lama signing a document at a Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) meeting opposing nuclear weapons, December 1954.

In the spring of 1955, the Seventh Plenary Meeting of China’s State Council passed a decision on the establishment of the PCART. During this time, the Dalai Lama met with the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru in Beijing he and the Panchen Lama also signed a statement following the first session of the First National People’s Congress objecting to the imperialist use of the atomic bomb. The two visited major cities in China, travelling back to Tibet separately in May 1955 via the new Xikang-Tibet Highway (now called the Sichuan-Tibet Highway) and Qinghai-Tibet Highway. They arrived in Lhasa and Xigaze the following month, ending their nine-month journey.

The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama with visiting Indian Prime Minister Nehru in Beijing, 1955. All signed a statement following the first session of the first National People’s Congress objecting to the imperialist use of the atomic bomb. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama with General Zhang Jingwu of the Chinese central government, 1955. The Panchen Lama and Dalai Lama in Beijing, 1955. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama at a traditional Tibetan cultural performance in Beijing, 1955. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama at Beihai Park in Beijing, 1955. The Panchen Lama Dalai Lama receiving a warm welcome in northeast China, 1955. Fireworks over the Forbidden City in Beijing on the fifth anniversary of the People’s Republic of China, 1954.

After the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama returned to Tibet, the work of the PCART began, with the ultimate goal of replacing the Kashag. On 22 April 1956, the PCART’s inaugural meeting was held at the Lhasa Hall — Tibet’s first auditorium — with Vice Premier Chen Yi leading the central government delegation. An enormous portrait of Mao Zedong was flanked by smaller portraits of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, along with a slogan advocating unity among China’s ethnic groups. The Dalai Lama was made PCART chairman and the Panchen Lama deputy chairman, with Ngapo as secretary-general. The inauguration ended on 1 May, and the traditional song and dance celebrations in Lhasa on the establishment of the PCART went on for days.

The Dalai Lama welcoming central government officials arriving in Lhasa for the inauguration of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART), April 1956. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama receiving Vice Premier and central government delegation head Chen Yi in Lhasa, April 1956. A large portrait of Mao Zedong at the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) inauguration, April 1956. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama showing central government delegation head Chen Yi into the venue for the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) inauguration, April 1956.


Trial Oversight

The trial protocol was approved by the local institutional review board or independent ethics committee at each site, according to the requirement of the Chinese guidelines for Good Clinical Practice. Participants provided written informed consent before enrollment. Statistical analyses were performed by employees of Rundo International Pharmaceutical Research and Development. The funding sources had no role in the design, data analysis, or interpretation of the results in this trial. The sponsor (Boehringer Ingelheim) was given the opportunity to review the manuscript for medical and scientific accuracy as it related to its product (tiotropium) and intellectual property considerations. Albuterol was purchased at full cost. The first and last authors vouch for the accuracy and completeness of the data and analyses reported and for the fidelity of the trial to the protocol. All the authors approved the submission of the manuscript for publication.


Memorial on Mongolian Request to Present Tributes

  • From fascicle 43 Xinke Zhang Taiyue Xiansheng Wenji (Newly Engraved Collected Works of Zhang Juzheng)
  • Zhang Juzheng (1525-1582), Ming dynasty
  • Printed edition by Tang Guoda (n.d.) of Xiugu, 40 th year of the Wanli reign (1612), Ming dynasty
  • Collection of the National Central Library

Zhang Juzheng served as Senior Grand Secretary in the first decade of the Wanli Emperor's reign (1572-1620) in the Ming dynasty. In his "Memorial on Mongolian Request to Present Tributes," Zhang wrote that the Tibetan monk Sonam Gyatsho (1543-1588) was hailed as a huofo by Tumed leader Altan Khan (1507-1582). This is the first time the term huofo appears in Ming official documents, but it is likely a translation of the Mongolian word rather than formal nomenclature.

Altan Khan invited Sonam Gyatsho to Qinghai to teach in the 5 th year of the Wanli reign (1577) and bestowed upon him the title "Dalai." Since then, he had become known as the Third Dalai Lama, and his two predecessors were posthumously recognized as the First and the Second Dalai Lamas. In the following year (1578), the Third Dalai Lama sent tributes to the Ming court and wrote to Zhang Juzheng, which is documented in Mingshi (The Official History of the Ming Dynasty).


4 War Of The Three Kingdoms

The Yellow Rebellion led directly to the collapse of the Han dynasty. Since power vacuums invariably lead to bloodshed, it was only a matter of time before a civil war broke out in China. That is exactly what happened in 220. Three rival kingdoms&mdashWei, Shu, and Wu&mdashwent to war with each other to unify China. The war ended in 266 when the Jin dynasty of Northern China conquered the Eastern Wu.

When the Eastern Han state collapsed, Cao Pi, the son of Cao Cao, took control of the Wei state in Northern China. The Wei Kingdom included several former Han generals. Other Han generals used the chaos to set up their own kingdoms. General Shu-Han created the Shu Kingdom in what is today Sichuan Province, while another former Han general established the Wu Kingdom at Nanjing. These kingdoms almost immediately fell into fighting one another.

In either 263 or 264, the Wei defeated and conquered the Shu. Two years later, Sima Yan/Wudi, one of the Wei generals, took the Wei throne and established the Jin dynasty. In 280, the Jin defeated the Wu and briefly united all the lands of the former Han dynasty. China would continue to be controlled by the Jin until 420.

The Three Kingdoms period is best known in China as the inspiration for The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, a classic of Chinese literature and one of the world&rsquos first novels. Written by the Shaanxi native Luo Guanzhong, the novel was published in the 14th century. The beauty of Luo&rsquos words and several infrastructure improvements (including new irrigation and shipbuilding programs fueled by the Silk Road) have served to obscure the awful realities of this time period. [7]

The true horror of the war is captured by this statistic: During the Han dynasty, China&rsquos population stood at 54 million. When the Jin took power, China&rsquos population was 16 million. This means that 36&ndash40 million people died during the 60-year conflict.


The Dalai Lama and the CIA (Part 1) First German Television and Southern German Daily Set off a Wave of Criticism

(By the True Heart News interviewing team in Taipei) On June 7, 2012, First German Television (ARD) broadcasted a report on the Dalai Lama and the CIA at a program called Panorama. On 8thof June, Southern German Daily (Süddeutsche Zeitung), the largest press in Germany, published a report entitled “Seemingly Sacred (Heiliger Schein).” This article unveils the historical facts of the fourteenth Dalai Lama engaging in guerrilla warfare behind the scene during the cold war, the Dalai Lama received large amount of financial and military aid to train Tibetan guerrilla forces Tibetan forces took order directly from the CIA to launch guerrilla warfare along the border of Chinese Tibet and India. These two reports triggered a series of follow-ups by German and European media, exposing the truth about the Dalai Lama’s violent nature behind the fa?ade of peace. The Dalai Lama’s deeds do not seem to match his words. The Dalai Lama has always flaunted the banner of peace while secretly using armed violence. He is obviously in the know about the financial aid and military cooperation between Tibet and the U.S. but conceals much more than what he is willing to admit. Hence, the inside story of the Dalai Lama draws a rare wave of media criticism.

Igniting criticism in German and European media, the Panorama program on German TV clearly promulgates the purpose of producing the film The Dalai Lama and the CIA (Der Dalai Lama und Die CIA) as follows:

Peace and non-violence is the impression that the Dalai Lama creates about Tibetan people. This, however, is just a beautified mirage. Tibetans had spent over twenty years using violence and armed force to strive for independence. The U.S. CIA secretly supported Tibetan guerrilla forces and the Dalai Lama took money out of CIA’s pocket. Panorama pays close attention to this unwelcome Tibetan history and raises the question: Which is the true image of Nobel laureate Dalai Lama? (http://daserste.ndr.de/panorama/archiv/2012/dalailama111.html)

The program explains in the film:

The fourteenth Dalai Lama represents peace and non-violence which earns him the Nobel Peace Prize. No one wants to shake and shatter that image. But this image does not match his violent armed struggles against China and the brutal killings of Chinese. Nevertheless, this is truly another side of the Dalai Lama. He had cooperated with the US CIA for a long period of time and received huge amount of money, weapons and training to carry out Tibetan resistant activities against China. The Dalai Lama knows that his European friends do not like this part of Tibetan history. This, however, is indeed part of his whole image.

The very next day after Panorama’s broadcast of The Dalai Lama and the CIA, Southern German Daily, the largest newspaper in Germany, highlighted a preview on the front page and published an article with lengthy title on the third page. The title reads: “Seemingly Sacred: As a leading symbol of pacifism, the Dalai Lama knows much more about CIA’s involvement in Tibet than what he is willing to admit. This holy monarch has fallen into the shadow of armed violence.” Three reporters collaborated on this detailed revelation of the double faces of the Dalai Lama, who controls armed forces under the cover of peace.

The joint reports of German First Television and Southern German Daily on the true colors of the Dalai Lama have triggered a wave of media criticism that swept across Europe rapidly. La Republica in Itlay, Il Meddaggero in Rome, etc have subsequently reported on the relations between the Dalai Lama and the CIA. Telegraaf in the Netherlands also published an article entitled “The Dalai Lama’s Seemingly Holy Image – the Nobel laureate is a CIA spy and the leader of Tibetan guerrilla forces.”

The relations between the Dalai Lama and the CIA revealed by this wave of media criticism has actually long been the whispers among Tibetan communities in India and widespread on the web. Clearly this is not news. This movement of criticizing the Dalai Lama from German media was driven by a former CIA agent’s daughter Lisa Cathey. She produces a documentary CIA in Tibet, which will be on the market in a few months. She interviewed over 30 former CIA agents and former Tibetan guerrillas. The documentary interview is over 100 hours long. Part of the contents has been released on her official website Kefiblog (kefiblog.com). The data distinctively indicates that the Dalai Lama, the highest leader of Tibetans, knows about the CIA’s plot of financial aid to the armed resistance in Tibet much more than what he is willing to admit. He is not as ignorant as he had claimed. Europeans are shocked to learn that the Dalai Lama is such a double-faced hypocrite: a Nobel laureate who spurns violence in front of the world is actually a long-term supporter of armed violence to obstruct peace behind the scene.

Chairman Zhang Gongpu of the True Enlightenment Education Foundation explains that it’s long been known that the Dalai Lama received subsidy from the CIA and trained guerrilla forces. In 1951, when Chinese army entered Tibet, the US government was following the development of the situation in Tibet with extreme concerns until confirming it is in line with the US interest. The US government then decided to carry out “covert operations” in Tibet under NSC5412 sponsored by the CIA. The purpose is to weaken Chinese communist power by “secretly supporting underground anti-communist forces.” In the fifties and sixties, the CIA provided an annual aid of 1.7 million dollars to the exiled Tibetans and airdropped various heavy and light weaponry to launch guerrilla warfare. In addition, the CIA also donated 180 thousand dollars annually to the Dalai Lama personally in exchange for his support. The scheme of aiding Tibet against China only ended when President Nixon established diplomatic relations with the new China. The Dalai Lama abruptly lost the source of financial and military support and was forced to take the so-called middle road. He reluctantly asked the guerrilla forces to put down their weapons.

Chairman Zhang further explains that the Dalai Lama uses the halo of Nobel Peace Prize to mesmerize the world. But the same knife cuts bread and fingers! This false halo of Peace Prize without true substance is also the main reason for people to see through his double faces. The criticism and discussion about the Dalai Lama being the backstage planner for the cooperation between CIA and Tibet spread from Germany to all over Europe on major newspapers. Though this has long been an open secret widespread over the web and media, the fact that two prominent media, First German Television and Southern German Daily, report hand in hand has made a deeper and wider impression about the true violent nature of the Dalai Lama. Chairman Zhang is looking forward to the completion and release of Lisa Cathey’s documentary CIA in Tibet, with a hope that the true nature of the Dalai Lama will be known to the world.


Complications

Tinea cruris can become infected secondarily by candidal or bacterial organisms. In addition, the area can become lichenified and hyperpigmented in the setting of a chronic fungal infection.

Mistreatment of tinea cruris with topical steroids can result in exacerbation of the disease. Although patients may note initial relief of symptoms, the infection may spread.

References

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